Research
Fertility Decline in China and Its National Military, Structural, and Regime Security: China Population Research
Sep 22, 2025
Research SummaryPublished Mar 12, 2026
China is facing a population upheaval that could reshape its future. In 2022, China's population shrank for the first time since the famine of the Great Leap Forward (1959–1961). China has one of the world's lowest fertility rates, and its population decline is accelerating. By 2050, China's population could lose 250 million people from its 1.4 billion (as of 2026)—nearly three-quarters of the United States' 2026 population (see Figure 1).
The figure shows the total population in China, Japan, India, and the United States from 1950 through projected values to 2050. The vertical axis measures population in millions (M) from 0 to 1,800M, while the horizontal axis marks years from 1950 to 2050.
Overall, the chart highlights India’s continued population growth overtaking China around 2025, while China and Japan show declines in their projected populations. The United States maintains a steady increase throughout the entire period.
SOURCE: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, 2024 Revision of World Population Prospects, database, United Nations, 2024.
The real problem does not stop at fewer people. Falling birth rates and rising life expectancy mean that China's population is also aging fast.[1] The number of working-age people peaked in 2015 and has been decreasing ever since. By 2050, there will be fewer than two working-age adults for every person ages 65 and older, compared with more than two and a half working-age adults per older adult projected for the United States. This trend threatens to upend China's ability to grow its economy, strain its pension and health care systems, and threaten its national security. In the first RAND report on this topic, the authors consider the significance of rapid population aging on China's national security.
Compounding the aging challenge, China is yet to become a high-income nation.[2] Often, countries undergoing fertility decline benefit from a demographic dividend—a time of economic growth driven by a large working-age population compared with smaller numbers of dependents ages 65 and older and younger than 15. Beginning in the 1980s, China experienced unprecedented economic growth during its dividend period, but because it started later than its neighbors (such as Japan and Singapore) and its speed of fertility decline has been faster than others, it has exited this demographic dividend era with relatively low income per capita, leaving it with fewer resources to address the pressures of an aging population. For example, the United States and Japan both have higher shares of people ages 65 and older than China, but both countries also have substantially higher average economic output per person (gross domestic product [GDP] per capita), providing a higher standard of living and economic well-being for their residents, and more economic resources to support their aged populations. The United States and Japan got rich before they got old, but China got old before it got rich, which will pose challenges in the future (Figure 1). India, which has a population that is just starting to age, is not yet rich or old but may still be able to capitalize on the window of opportunity offered by its demographic dividend (see Figure 2).
The scatterplot displays Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita versus the share of the population ages 65 or older for the year 2023 among countries ranked in the top 30 for GDP per capita.
The vertical axis measures GDP per capita from $0 to $300,000, and the horizontal axis shows the population share ages 65 and older, ranging from 0% to 40%.
Other countries appear as gray data points scattered across the chart, forming a general positive relationship between per capita GDP and the aging population share but with wide variation. Notes on the chart highlight reference points of $14,005 GDP per capita and 14% population age 65 and older.
SOURCE: Authors’ analysis of data from World Bank, “GDP per Capita (Current $),” webpage, undated.
China's declining fertility rate dates to the 1960s (well before the one-child policy was instituted in 1980),[3] when women gave birth to around six children each. Since 1990, the total fertility rate has consistently been below the rate needed to sustain the population.
Even after China ended the one-child policy and moved to two- and three-child policies, the fertility rate has declined or stagnated (Figure 3).
The line chart shows China’s total fertility rate from 1950 to 2023, along with projected fertility rates through 2050. The vertical axis measures the fertility rate (number of children born per woman) from 0 to 8, and the horizontal axis covers years from 1950 through 2050.
The fertility rate is represented by a solid red line, while projections beyond 2023 are shown as a red dashed line.
Key data patterns and policy milestones are marked along the timeline:
After 2021, the fertility rate remains about 1.0 to 1.2, with projections indicating slight potential increases through 2050.
Overall, the chart depicts long-term declines in fertility in China, despite periodic policy adjustments aimed at increasing birthrates.
Adding to the challenges faced by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), youth unemployment in China is high and growing numbers of young people are opting for lower-paying, less stressful careers outside China's highly competitive work culture. Finding solutions to tend to the needs of older adults while encouraging the career hopes of younger people will test how much public trust and support the CCP has.
The culmination of these trends is that the proportion of the population that is 65 years and older is rapidly increasing. Figure 4 presents the age distribution of China's population, broken down by age and sex in 2020 and as projected for 2050.
The figure compares China’s population pyramids for the years 2020 and 2050, with separate bar charts showing age distribution for males (left) and females (right) in each year.
The 2020 pyramid shows a relatively balanced structure with a wide base and narrower top, indicating a larger younger population and smaller older population.
The 2050 pyramid transforms into an inverted shape, showing pronounced aging of the population.
Overall, the comparison illustrates China’s transition from a youthful population in 2020 to a predominantly elderly population by 2050, showing significant demographic aging and a narrowing youth base.
SOURCE: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, 2024 Revision of World Population Prospects, database, United Nations, 2024.
Comparing China's population age and sex structures from 2020 with those of 2050 shows how changes in the fertility rate over time have led to a steadily increasing dependency ratio (the number of people ages 65 and older compared with the number of younger working adults). In China, the proportion of seniors is rapidly catching up to Japan's (which has the world's oldest population) and will pass the the U.S. proportion of seniors in about a decade. Right now, for every person age 65 and older in China, there are about five working-age adults. By 2050, there will be fewer than two for every person age 65 and older, and people ages 65 and older could represent nearly one third of the population (see Figure 5).
Number of people ages 65 and older for every 100 working-age adults
The figure shows the ratio of the population ages 65 and older relative to the working-age population (ages 15–64) from 2000 to projected values in 2050 for Japan, China, the United States, and India.
The vertical axis represents the ratio of elderly to working-age individuals (from 0 to 80 percent), and the horizontal axis covers years from 2000 to 2050. Solid lines indicate historical data, while dashed lines represent projections.
Overall, the chart illustrates that all four countries are experiencing increases in their older population relative to working-age individuals, with Japan and China facing the most dramatic shifts toward aging populations by 2050.
SOURCE: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, 2024 Revision of World Population Prospects, database, United Nations, 2024.
Aging countries often see declines in global influence and in economic and military power, but outcomes depend on how the state responds. An aging population poses three kinds of security issues for China.
Aging societies face concerns over military security because with a shrinking younger population, the pool of potential military recruits is shrinking and the military must compete for funding with other priorities (possibly in a contracting economy). [4] States can partially address a smaller recruitment pool through technology, strong alliances, and improved military efficiency. China likely has time before military security becomes a major problem. Key implications of population trends are:
Structural security will also present challenges.[5] As China's population ages, it will become harder for the government and economy to support seniors. The population having fewer workers paying into pension plans means that there will be less generous benefits for retirees.
How the government responds will shape the impact, and funding for the military and social programs does not have to be a zero-sum game. China will face tough challenges but has chances to adapt. Some key implications of population trends for structural security are:
Regime security is another concern for China. [6] Typically, regime security is a relatively minor problem for many aging societies because such societies are often peaceful and democratic. Aging societies may be unwilling or unable to risk casualties in wars and their governments may strengthen partnerships with other countries to compensate, thus strengthening regional ties. China, however, faces the structural security challenges detailed previously, which may subsequently threaten regime security. Some key implications of population trends for regime security include:
China has several options to consider to address its population problems.
While boosting the birth rate may seem like an obvious fix, history shows that this is not enough. Of the 75 countries with populations of more than 2 million people that had their fertility rate fall below replacement after 1950, only Kazakhstan and Mongolia have total fertility rates greater than 2.1.[7] Even aggressive pro-birth policies may nudge only the timing and not the number of births.
Because the costs of raising a child in China are among the world's highest, the CCP is rolling out a suite of new supports. A directive from the General Office of China's State Council in 2024 introduced 13 targeted interventions addressing childbirth support, child care, and housing, employment, and education. In addition to financial supports, the CCP is working to change norms around family size, such as adding two new children to a long-standing sculpture in Wuhan that originally depicted a family with one child (Figure 6).
NOTE: Reproduced from Shanghai Daily, 2024.
Large-scale immigration is not a realistic fix for China. Its population is too large for immigration to make a meaningful impact, and the country's immigration policies are restrictive. Since the 1970s, more people have left China than have moved to China, and net migration out of China has fluctuated between 100,000 to 700,000 people per year since 2000. Although large-scale immigration is unlikely, the country could allow more international workers in the future for certain jobs, such as domestic workers (such as from the Philippines) and caregivers.
One lever to maintain economic growth is to entice more of the rural population to move to cities. Higher urbanization could be expected to boost economic growth and has been one of the main engines of China's economic boom through infrastructure development, economies of scale, innovation, and entrepreneurship. China's rate of urbanization, about 65 percent, lags that of most other industrialized countries, leaving substantial room yet to grow. However, nighttime light satellite imagery suggests that urbanization in China is already largely complete or at least well above the United Nations Population Division's 2025 estimate, and China's census data show that rural residents are much older than those living in cities, making it harder to achieve gains (see Figure 7).
Furthermore, China's hukou (household registration system) restricts the freedom to migrate within the country. In place since 1958, hukou ties people's access to jobs, health care, housing, and schools to their assigned district. This assignment is inherited and locks migrants out of public services and property ownership, even if they move, which reinforces social divides. Relaxing this system, which was hinted at in Beijing's 2025 policy shift, could unlock economic and other benefits, regardless of urbanization trends.
The figure shows the percentage of the population living in urban areas from 1950 to projected values through 2050 for Japan, the United States, China, and India. The vertical axis represents the percentage of urban population from 0% to 100%, and the horizontal axis covers years from 1950 to 2050. Solid lines represent historical data and dashed lines show projections.
Overall, Japan and the United States have maintained high levels of urbanization since the mid-20th century, while China and India show rapid or sustained growth in their urban populations, with China closing the gap substantially by 2050.
SOURCE: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, 2018 Revision of World Urbanization Prospects, database, United Nations, 2018.
A shrinking population of young people may diminish military capabilities, but this outcome is not inevitable. Modern warfare does not rely on only manpower and force size but also technological superiority. Technology and robotic systems can replace some manpower needs, potentially more cheaply.
Moreover, considering existing unemployment trends and the progress being made in automation and technological innovation, expanding the workforce may be less essential in the long run. Instead, a smaller and more–highly skilled workforce that is supported by investment in emerging technologies could address labor shortages and boost economic growth.
Until 2025, China had the world's lowest retirement age—60 for men and 55 for women. China is now slowly raising its retirement age to 63 for men and 58 for women by 2040. Although this move is unpopular, it could contain the growing cost of providing pensions and reduce the burden on the working-age population by expanding that population. However, meaningful pension reform will require a comprehensive approach beyond adjusting retirement ages, including a reassessment of benefit formulas, contribution rates, and eligibility requirements. Such changes as these could also be unpopular, lowering the public's support for the government's policies.
In Table 1, the authors highlight key considerations for the policy options described in this brief.
China faces a unique challenge: Its society is getting old fast but has not become rich. Most countries age after reaching high-income status, but the rapid drop in China's birth rate and longer lifespans for its population mean that it is dealing with these issues sooner. How China handles its population crisis will shape not only its own future but also the stability of the region and the global economy. China's policy choices—from encouraging families to have more kids to using new technology—will also be an example for other middle-income countries facing similar problems. As China's workforce shrinks and financial pressures grow, the impact will be felt worldwide, changing the global security environment, economic relationships, and international alliances.
Funding for this research was provided by a generous donation from the Cyrus and Michael Tang Foundation, which established the Tang Institute for U.S.-China Relations at RAND. This work was undertaken by RAND Global and Emerging Risks.
This publication is part of the RAND research brief series. Research briefs present policy-oriented summaries of individual published, peer-reviewed documents or of a body of published work.
This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited; linking directly to this product page is encouraged. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial purposes. For information on reprint and reuse permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.
RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND's publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors.